Controversy
follows jury nullification everywhere in criminal law. The power that a jury has to refuse convicting
a defendant, even when the prosecution has provided evidence beyond a
reasonable doubt, understandably does not bode well with many judges and
prosecutors. Jurors have the power to
nullify because courts cannot overturn a not guilty verdict since this would
violate a defendant’s constitutional right to a jury trial.[1] During O.J. Simpson’s trial, discussion of
jury nullification stood at the forefront as Simpson’s defense attorney
encouraged the jury to acquit Simpson even if they found him to be guilty so
the jury could send a message to the Los Angeles Police Department.[2] Nullification has also appeared in cases
where prosecutors charge abused wives for the murder of their abusive husbands, in cases where minors are involved in drug possession or distribution of
narcotics.[3] The question of nullification appeared in
other high profile cases, like the case of former D.C. mayor Marion Barry. Barry was convicted of only one minor count out
of the fourteen charges against him by an African-American jury when he was
caught on tape smoking crack cocaine, even though the trial judge in that case
commented that the prosecutor has a very strong case against him.[4]
New
Hampshire has taken a stance on jury nullification with a 2012 law that
explicitly allows defense attorneys to tell juries about nullification. This law led to more New Hampshire defense attorneys urging juries to acquit in cases where the jury finds the law to be
overly harsh or unfair. Advocates praise New Hampshire’s efforts to
revive nullification as a way to cut down on overly aggressive prosecutors. Critics, like the National District Attorneys
Association Executive Director Scott Burns, consider nullification to be extremely dangerous because it allows juries to circumvent the law which erodes the ability
of laws to guarantee order in society.
Some New
Hampshire criminal defense attorneys argue that the existing law does not go
far enough because it does not require judges to instruct juries on their power
to nullify. By leaving the decision to
instruct on nullification to the discretion of the trial judge, New Hampshire defense attorneys argue that it is much more difficult to include nullification
in an argument for acquittal. A bill introduced this January in the New
Hampshire house would require trial judges to instruct juries that they not
only have the option to acquit when they have reasonable doubt of a defendant’s
guilt, but also when they disagree with the law that indicts a defendant. It is unclear whether the bill will become
law, but this begs the question, how do courts around the country feel about
jury nullification?
In the
1895 Supreme Court decision in Sparf v. United States,
the Court held that federal judges were not required to instruct jurors on
their ability to nullify laws, citing that it would bring confusion into the
administration of criminal law since it would lead to the jury not only being
the trier of facts, but also of law. The
Court held in Sparf that allowing a
jury to make this decision hinders a court’s involvement in matters of law,
leaving these matters to untrained jurors. In the Second Circuit’s decision in United States v. Thomas, the court recognized that
nullification can be a form of civil disobedience and gave the example of
juries acquitting people charged under fugitive slave laws. Additionally, the Thomas court denied that juries reserve the right to nullify
convictions and describes the practice as a violation of a jury’s duty to
follow the law as instructed by the court. However, even though the court in Thomas was critical of jury nullification,
it noted that inquiries on the subject cannot be overly expansive in order to
protect jury secrecy and protect juries from intimidation. Even though the Second Circuit has
reservations about the usefulness and ethics of nullification, it held that
inquiries into whether a juror is engaging in the practice should be
limited. Other courts around the country have prohibited defense attorneys from informing juries of their power to
nullify, circumventing this potential tool for defense attorneys.
New
Hampshire’s move to explicitly include nullification in criminal cases does not
in any way reflect how the rest of the country will treat this controversial
issue in the future. Assuming that the
proposed bill that requires judges to include nullification in jury
instructions does not pass, the current jurisprudence in New Hampshire allows
judicial discretion in these instructions, thereby limiting how many
nullification instructions will reach juries across the state. Without a bill that mandates this instruction,
it is not only up to the judge if nullification instructions reach the jury,
but also up to defense attorneys to decide whether they want to use
nullification as a tool to defend their clients. Critics would argue that the ethical implications
of nullification are too great to allow jury instructions on the subject and
that the rule of law would be eroded if juries decide cases based on their
personal opinions rather than what the law mandates. The Second Circuit in Thomas cited hung juries in lynching cases in the South where white
jurors acquitted white defendants regardless of the evidence presented as an
example of nullification having a real negative effect on the rule of law. Would a zealous defense attorney be unethical
if she decides to use jury nullification as a legal device in her client’s
defense? Advocates, like former federal
prosecutor and George Washington law professor Paul Butler, argue that juries,
especially African-American juries, have the moral duty to acquit defendants if
they find the law is unfair and sending the particular defendant to prison
would ultimately harm the community more than help it.[5]
In a 2011 New York Times Op-Ed article, Butler criticized federal
prosecutors who charged Julian Heicklen, a retired chemistry professor, with
jury tampering for providing information about jury nullification outside the
federal courthouse in Manhattan. Butler explains
that nullification is premised on the idea that ordinary citizens, not
government officials, should decide whether a person should be punished. He states that proponents of the doctrine go as
far back as John Adams and John Hancock.
Following Butler’s logic, defense attorneys who attempt to inform the
jury of their power to nullify are not only properly advocating for their
client, but also leaving justice in the hands of people who are more aware of
what is best for their community, rather than leave the implementation of
justice up to legislators who might not be representative of their community. The
case against Mr. Heicklen for jury tampering was eventually dropped as the judge held that
she would not stretch the interpretation of the jury tampering statute to cover
speech that is not intended to influence the actions of a specific juror in a specific
case.
Regardless
of whether New Hampshire will decide to require its judges to instruct juries
on their power of nullification, the doctrine will remain a controversial topic
in the eyes of many prosecutors, judges, and even some defense attorneys. Last October, a billboard appeared in the Judiciary Square Metro of D.C., where prospective jurors
exited and could see the words “Good jurors nullify bad laws.” This billboard is but one aspect of a growing
national campaign to encourage jurors to acquit defendants when they disagree
with the law. Spear-heading this
campaign is the Fully Informed Jury Association which also lobbied for New
Hampshire’s current jury nullification law and the bill that was introduced
earlier this year. Whether this organization
will be successful in pushing other state legislatures to pass similar laws
that explicitly allow for nullification instructions is unclear, but, if this
is in fact part of a growing national consensus that some laws unduly implement
harsh punishments for “victimless” crimes then we can expect to see more states
following New Hampshire’s guidance.
Practitioners
should be aware of their prospective jurisdictions and how they usually treat
jury nullification. Additionally,
defense attorneys in jurisdictions that are friendly to nullification (or, at
least, not hostile to the practice) like New Hampshire can find themselves in a
difficult situation. In jurisdictions
that allow nullification instructions, defense attorneys would have to balance
the interests of their client and the interests of the community when deciding
to inform the jury of their power to nullify.
In cases of non-violent offenders, defense attorneys have a much easier
time coming to a decision; however, in cases of egregious violent offenders,
this decision can be harder to make. Nevertheless,
by failing to inform the jury of nullification in jurisdictions where the
practice is accepted, defense attorneys might be in violation of their ethical
duty to zealously advocate for their client.
It will be interesting to see whether New Hampshire will pass the bill
that requires judges to inform juries on their power to nullify and the series
of legal and ethical implications that will follow.
Image by W.S. Gilbert (d. 1911), via Wikimedia Commons.
[1] Stephen A. Saltzburg & Daniel J. Capra, American Criminal Procedure: Cases and Commentary, 1233 (9th ed. 2010).
[2] Id.
[3] Id.
[4] Id.
at 1236.
[5] See
Paul Butler, Racially Jury Nullification: Black Power in the Criminal
Justice System, 105 Yale L.J. 677 (1995).
To answer the question in the title: Why can't it be both?
ReplyDeleteOkay, it can't be both because anarchy requires no rulers, but my point is that anarchy is not necessarily a bad thing. Nobody's arguing it would be a utopia, but it would be a far cry from the dystopia the Powers That Be would have you believe...
The fact that these Powers want to suppress a jury's right to nullify is more than enough to convince me that juries should have that right.